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Đokić: We expect EU to accept request to postpone CBAM implementation

Minister of Energy and Mining of the Republic of Srpska Petar Đokić expressed belief that the European Commission would postpone the implementation CBAM, set for January 1, 2026.

Minister Petar Đokić participated in the Energy Week Western Balkans 2025 conference, where he recalled that the Republic of Srpska has signed several contracts with domestic and foreign partners for the construction of renewable power plants totalling 2,170 MW. The investments are estimated at BAM 5 billion (EUR 2.56 billion).

Đokić noted that the construction of two hydropower plants, of 159 MW and 34 MW, is underway, as well as of the Buk Bijela hydropower plant, in cooperation with Serbia.

Đokić: The rest of the world no longer follows European politics

So far, two contracts have been signed for the construction of wind farms, of which one is in an advanced stage of construction, he underlined. The plan is to complete all contracted projects within three years, according to Đokić.

It will further increase the share of clean energy in total production.

He highlighted the challenges posed by the European Union’s policies, including the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), a cross-border emissions tax. Its application could have a very negative impact on the local economy, Đokić noted.

As the rest of the world no longer follows European policies, the question arises whether Europe has the right to impose new obligations on its members, especially if such obligations cause economic disruptions, he claimed.

Đokić: The request of the Republic of Srpska to postpone the implementation of CBAM is justified

Đokić said that the request of the Republic of Srpska to postpone the implementation of CBAM is justified. According to him, Bosnia and Herzegovina has fulfilled the last condition, the adoption of the law on the electricity regulator, transmission, and market, as it is now in parliamentary procedure.

CBAM brings fees on the CO2 emissions of goods imported to the EU from countries that don’t have equivalently priced carbon schemes. They include the Western Balkans.

The tax will cover cement, iron and steel, aluminum, fertilizers, electricity, and hydrogen.

Serbia, which is also part of the Western Balkans region, launched public consultations last week on its draft Law on Greenhouse Gas Emissions Tax and the Law on Carbon-Intensive Product Imports Tax.

Đokić spoke at a panel with Minister of Energy and Mining of Montenegro Admir Šahmanović, Ambassador of Italy to Montenegro Andreina Marsella, President of the Energy Agency of the Republic of Serbia (AERS) Dejan Popović, and co-founder and managing partner of Alcazar Energy Daniel Calderon.

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EU launches EUR 17.5 billion energy efficiency initiative for SMEs

The European Union plans to double its support to small and medium-sized enterprises in the 2025-2027 period for investments in energy efficiency and decarbonization.

The European Commission and the European Investment Bank (EIB) Group have launched a EUR 17.5 billion financing initiative.

According to the commission, more than 350,000 companies across Europe are set to make energy efficiency and decarbonization gains through the scheme.

The initiative for energy efficiency for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) is led by the EIB Group. It aims to help firms utilize proven energy-saving technologies to reduce their energy bills and enhance their resilience and competitiveness, the commission underscored.

The EU expects to mobilize over EUR 65 billion in overall investments

The program will use a combination of existing and new financial products, including debt and equity instruments. The EU expects to mobilize over EUR 65 billion of investments in the segment by 2027.

To streamline access and support for businesses, the initiative will introduce a “one-stop shop for energy efficiency for SMEs,” the update adds. The commission explained that a single-entry point would integrate EIB Group’s intermediated lending offering and added it would simplify engagement and accelerate implementation.

The backing by the commission will include EU budget guarantees

The commission’s backing will include EU budget guarantees offered through the InvestEU mechanism and LIFE environmental program.

EU Commissioner for Energy and Housing Dan Jørgensen pointed out that SMEs invest in energy efficiency at only half the rate of larger companies. “This EIB initiative supported by the commission will be key to closing the investment gap, simplifying access to financing, and accelerating the deployment of energy efficiency solutions,” he added.

According to EIB Group President Nadia Calviño, the initiative represents a significant step up in support to help companies cut energy costs.

“Servitisation” or energy efficiency as a service

The EIB said it is partnering with the Solar Impulse Foundation, a nonprofit organization, to promote a model known as “servitisation” or energy efficiency as a service.

For example, instead of purchasing energy-efficient heating or lighting equipment, SMEs pay for the warmth or light they use. The service provider retains ownership of the equipment and ensures its performance. EIB stressed that the model eliminates upfront investment costs for businesses, making it easier and faster to adopt energy efficiency measures.

“The Solar Impulse Foundation has already identified over 1,600 profitable solutions that prove efficiency is not a cost but a gain. With this initiative, we can now bring these innovations to hundreds of thousands of SMEs across Europe,” said Bertrand Piccard, initiator and chairman of the Solar Impulse Foundation.

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RES Croatia to Brussels: Renewables have no future in Croatia

RES Croatia, together with SolarPower Europe and WindEurope, has sent a letter to the European Commission to raise concerns about the crisis in Croatia’s renewable energy sector.

The three associations emphasized that for several years, 60 projects for investments in solar, wind, geothermal, and batteries have been blocked, and that if nothing is done, many of them would soon be abandoned.

Without urgent deblocking of renewable energy projects, Croatia will lose investments, increase fossil fuel imports, which already exceed 25%, and miss the European Union’s and national target of at least 42.5% of energy consumption coming from renewables by 2030, according to Renewable Energy Sources of Croatia (RES Croatia), SolarPower Europe and WindEurope.

The national organization warned that the government is gradually phasing out subsidies for electricity prices for citizens and entrepreneurs. At the same time, the development of renewable energy sources as the only sustainable solution for lower bills and lowering imports is at a complete standstill, it added.

Projects with a total capacity of 3.5 GW and investments of EUR 3 billion are blocked

Croatia is currently subject to infringement proceedings due to delays in implementing the European Union’s RED II and RED III directive. They aren’t just a piece of paper, but a mechanism to ensure energy security and independence, which is of strategic interest for Croatia and its citizens, RES Croatia underscored.

The organizations are urging the European Commission to use its tools to demand from the government to determine the grid connection fee, but at EUR 0 per kWh, open up the balancing market for renewable energy producers, and integrate battery energy storage systems (BESS) and electrification into national planning.

Currently, 60 projects for solar power plants, wind farms, geothermal power plants, and batteries with a total capacity of 3.5 GW and investments of EUR 3 billion are blocked, according to the letter, accompanied by an annex.

The domestic industry is unable to sign long-term PPAs

For these projects, the state has already charged EUR 25 million through energy approvals— the first in a series of documents that requires payment to the state, which, due to the blockage, are beginning to expire at the end of this year.

Organizations stressed that these projects are permanently losing the paid money, while local communities are losing significant revenues that would have been allocated to them from the implementation of renewable energy projects.

They also drew attention to the domestic industry’s inability to sign long-term power purchase agreements (PPAs) with renewable energy producers, securing more favorable market conditions and thereby increasing its competitiveness in European and global markets.

Of note, the European Commission advised Croatia in June to speed up the installation of renewable energy capacities.

If nothing is done, projects of as much as 2.5 GW overall will be abandoned as early as next week

The associations pointed out that the development of new projects larger than 10 MW has stalled since 2022 because the Croatian Energy Regulatory Agency (HERA) has not set a transmission network connection fee for renewable power plants.

Instead, they added, Croatia’s transmission system operator (TSO) HOPS is trying to shift the costs of network modernization – planned over ten years ago and not related to new projects – to new renewable energy projects.

The minister of economy said in March that the upcoming connection fee would be EUR 0 per kW

It is increasing the project cost by 30% to 40%, making them unprofitable, RES Croatia said.

Such a model for financing the network is not from European practice, because 80% of member states rely on EU funds and their national budgets, rather than on producers.

They also recalled that the minister of economy announced in March that a connection fee would be set at EUR 0 per kW and that developers would be offered flexible contracts to encourage investment in battery storage. But that promise has not yet been fulfilled.

The three organizations warn that if nothing is done, projects of up to 2.5 GW altogether would be abandoned as early as next week after HOPS’s decision,. It means companies would withdraw from the Croatian market and lose millions in investments that would have permanently lowered energy prices in the country, RES Croatia claimed.

The balancing market is not functional

An additional problem is the non-functional balancing market, according to the letter.

HEP Proizvodnja, a subsidiary of state-owned utility Hrvatska Elektroprivreda (HEP), is the dominant provider of balancing services, and often the only one. HOPS is legally obliged to ensure market-based procurement of these services, yet it is itself a wholly owned subsidiary of HEP.

It creates an obvious conflict of interest and undermines market competition, the signatories underlined.

“Despite the demonstrated technical ability of solar and wind power plants to provide balancing services, HOPS doesn’t allow these plants to participate in balancing markets. As a result, HOPS frequently activates extremely expensive balancing resources, often at maximum regulated prices even during hours of high renewable generation and positive market prices,” the letter reads.

Croatia has no serious electrification plan

The organizations pointed out that such pricing constitutes a clear violation of the EU principle that balancing services must reflect only the actual costs incurred by the TSO.

They also stressed that Croatia lacks a concrete electrification plan. In 2022, renewable energy accounted for only 2.4% of final energy consumption in transport, with electricity from renewables contributing just 0.2%.

The target for renewable electricity in transport by 2030 is only 5.8%, reflecting limited ambition compared to the EU ambitions, according to the letter.

Electrification of railways could significantly reduce emissions and accelerate the transition, however, it remains an untapped potential, the signatories organizations noted.

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Belgrade in focus: challenges and solutions for sustainable urban development

Author: Ivan Gazdić, Attorney at Law and Partner at Petrikić & Partneri AOD in cooperation with CMS Reich-Rohrwig Hainz

For many years, Belgrade has struggled with long-standing urban, infrastructural and environmental challenges that have impeded its progress towards sustainable development in accordance with the standards of contemporary European cities. The main obstacles to Belgrade’s urban advancement include poorly regulated construction, persistent traffic congestion, high levels of air pollution and a chronic lack of green spaces. To reach the level of cities like Vienna or Paris, Belgrade should undertake systemic reforms, establish a clear development strategy, and ensure more decisive action by the city authorities.

An analysis of the current situation reveals that Belgrade holds significant potential for transformation. This ranges from preserving its cultural heritage and implementing coordinated development in the city centre to introducing sustainable mobility solutions tailored to pedestrians and cyclists. Further opportunities lie in investing in green initiatives and developing affordable housing, drawing on best practices from across Europe. Nevertheless, without a more robust city budget and stronger support from both experts and the wider public, these ambitions risk remaining little more than aspirations.

Architectural identity of Belgrade: between heritage preservation and modern development

Achieving sustainable urban development in Belgrade requires a careful balance between modern construction and the preservation of historical architecture. Areas featuring buildings from the late 19th and early 20th centuries – structures that form the bedrock of Belgrade’s cultural heritage and architectural identity – are particularly vulnerable.

Among the architectural styles of this period, academism stands out as especially prominent. Its defining features – symmetry, monumentality and richly decorated façades – have left a lasting imprint on the city’s visual and cultural character. The National Theatre and the National Museum are among the most distinguished examples of academic architecture in Belgrade, and the city’s main cultural landmarks at the Republic Square (Trg Republike), one of the city centre’s most significant urban spaces.

The new opera house could be designed to incorporate elements of academism

For these reasons, any new development in the central urban zones needs to be approached with great care and fully harmonised with the historical context.

One notable proposal in recent years is the construction of a landmark opera house on the site of the current Staklenac shopping centre at the Republic Square. Given the enduring popularity of the historicist and decorative styles among Belgrade residents, the new opera house could be designed to incorporate elements of academism.

Such an approach would not only ensure architectural coherence with the National Theatre, but would also create a direct aesthetic and cultural link to the era when the idea of building an opera house in Belgrade was first seriously considered.

Opera (photo: AI-generated illustration – OpenAI, 2025)

However, it is important to emphasise that preserving Belgrade’s identity does not mean relying solely on historical architectural styles. Contemporary Serbian architecture is equally important for maintaining the authenticity of the city’s urban fabric and adapting it to modern needs.

To fully harness this potential, the city should continuously promote local architects through regular public competitions, professional exhibitions, and the implementation of the most successful proposals – following the model of established European architectural practices. Initiatives such as BINA and mandatory architectural competitions create opportunities for innovation and give young architects in Belgrade a chance to shape the city’s contemporary architectural identity.

Mia Dorćol, an award-winning project of the Zabriskie studio, one of the notable examples of contemporary architecture in Belgrade (photo: zabriskie.rs/Ilya Ivanov)

One of the most notable examples of successful public architectural competitions in Serbia was the international competition held in 2021 for the new Belgrade Philharmonic building at Ušće, organised by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Government of Serbia.

The winning proposal, by London-based Amanda Levete Architects (AL_A), envisioned a concert hall without a defined front or back façade, allowing for seamless integration with the landscape of Ušće Park and the Danube River. Architect Amanda Levete described the project as “an expression of harmony between nature, architecture and music”, emphasising the need to “bring nature back into our cities to make them greener and more beautiful places”.

In line with this vision, the design features a green roof and landscaping with native tree species. The new Philharmonic building thus stands as an example of sustainable and contemporary architecture in Belgrade. However, despite receiving positive evaluations from the professional community, the project has been delayed due to uncertain funding and administrative hurdles relating to the building permit.

Future Belgrade Philharmonic building, integrated into the Ušće Park landscape (render: AL_A/Zabriskie Studio)

Unfortunately, the opportunity to showcase contemporary domestic architecture through the Belgrade Waterfront project appears to have been missed. The project has frequently been criticised for its lack of alignment with the urban and cultural context of Belgrade. According to many architects, it prioritises spectacle and commercial appeal over authenticity, failing to reflect the spirit of Belgrade’s urban culture.

It draws neither from the architectural language of Belgrade academism nor from the legacy of socialist modernism in New Belgrade, instead adopting the global International Style – a contemporary architectural trend that heavily favours glass and steel, with little regard for local or historical references.

Given the growing disconnect between new construction and the historical character of central Belgrade, establishing a professional body to oversee architectural standards in the inner city seems increasingly necessary. Composed of architects and art historians, such a body would be empowered to review new projects and reject or condition those that are not appropriate for the historic urban core of the capital.

Terazije as the Times Square of Belgrade

Walking through Terazije in Belgrade, it’s hard not to notice the Albania Palace – a building that has stood as a symbol of modern architecture in the capital for decades. Interestingly, before the Second World War, there was a plan to build Mitić’s Palace, intended for a different location but never realised. However, when we look at the architectural drawings of Mitić’s Palace, the resemblance to Albania Palace is striking, allowing us to imagine what Albania might have looked like had it been built with a few additional floors.

Mitić’s Palace, an excerpt from the newspaper Vreme, 10 November 1940, p. 5 (digitised by the University Library Svetozar Marković)

In her text on the history of the building, Milica Ceranić notes that architect Ivan Zdravković once remarked that the Albania Palace appeared somewhat unbalanced – as if something were missing from the top. The idea of upgrading the building was considered in the late 1980s, when architect Branko Bon proposed adding several floors to make the structure “more graceful and less squat”.

With careful planning and respect for heritage preservation guidelines, such an upgrade could one day restore the building’s lost prominence, which was diminished by the construction of taller surrounding buildings in the second half of the 20th century. It could also help reshape the modern image of Terazije as a lively urban square in Belgrade – echoing the energy of major public squares around the world.

Why Belgrade isn’t a city for cyclists – and why it needs to become one

Traffic and mobility remain among key unresolved urban issues in Belgrade. The lack of a developed cycling infrastructure, combined with an overburdened public transportation system, is recognised as one of the main factors contributing to traffic congestion and increased air pollution. Introducing safe, physically separated bike lanes in the capital would not only improve road safety but also encourage broader use of bicycles as a means of transport.

Following the construction of a network of physically separated bike lanes in Seville, the number of bike trips rose by more than 400%, while the risk of traffic accidents per trip dropped by around 60%. In Belgrade, where cyclists often ride on pavements due to the lack of space on the roads, the need for the planned development of safe and separate bike infrastructure is becoming increasingly clear.

A cyclist in Paris near the Eiffel Tower, 2025 (photo: © Olivier DJIANN/iStock)

In central Belgrade, heavy traffic congestion is often caused by vehicles parked on pavements and a chronic shortage of garages, while pedestrian zones are limited to just a few streets – such as Knez Mihailova, Obilićev Venac and Topličin Venac.

Experts have long emphasised the need to expand pedestrian zones in Belgrade, which is standard practice in well-organised European cities. Instead of serving as a pedestrian zone and an attractive tourist destination, Kosančićev Venac, the oldest preserved historical area in Belgrade, has been left to traffic chaos and is clogged with parked cars every day.

Prioritising infrastructure that supports sustainable mobility is no longer just a matter of urban planning – it is a question of public health and the city’s long-term resilience

Recently, Paris held a referendum approving the gradual closure of 500 additional streets to traffic and a 10% reduction in parking, significantly decreasing the number of cars in the city centre. At the same time, the Paris city administration is investing in the creation of new parks and the expansion of green areas in urban neighbourhoods, accompanied by a strong public push for streets to be shared more fairly and adapted to the needs of pedestrians and cyclists.

In addition to enhancing safety and accessibility for pedestrians and cyclists, investing in new infrastructure plays a vital role in protecting the environment. Encouraging alternative modes of transport, such as cycling and walking, helps reduce car dependency, leading to lower emissions of harmful pollutants that significantly degrade air quality in Belgrade.

Cities like Copenhagen and Amsterdam, which have consistently invested in pedestrian-friendly and cycling infrastructure, report noticeably lower pollution levels and a higher quality of life for their residents. With air pollution episodes becoming increasingly frequent in Belgrade, prioritising infrastructure that supports sustainable mobility is no longer just a matter of urban planning – it is a question of public health and the city’s long-term resilience.

Energy efficiency and urban sustainability in Belgrade

  • nZEB and ZEB standards: EU regulations and Serbia’s position

Energy efficiency is a cornerstone of the European Union’s climate and energy policy. Under the revised Energy Performance of Buildings Directive (EPBD), all new buildings in the EU must meet near-zero energy building (nZEB) standards, while existing buildings are to be systematically renovated to reduce both energy consumption and greenhouse gas emissions.

The Fit for 55 package has raised the bar even higher: by 2030, the EU aims to reduce overall greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55% compared to 1990 levels, with the building sector expected to play a key role in achieving this target.

nZEB standards are still not clearly defined at the national level

The most recent revision of the EPBD stipulates that, beginning on 1 January 2028, all newly constructed public buildings must comply with the Zero‑Emission Building (ZEB) standard. Starting on 1 January 2030, this requirement extends to all new buildings – both residential and non‑residential. ZEBs must feature extremely high energy performance, produce zero on-site carbon emissions from fossil fuels, and ensure that any remaining energy demand is met exclusively through renewable energy sources (on-site, nearby, or via district systems).

As a contracting party to the Energy Community and a candidate for EU membership, Serbia is required to gradually align its national legislation with EU regulations. However, nZEB standards are still not clearly defined at the national level, and to date, no public building in Serbia has been constructed according to these criteria.

  • National project for nearly zero-energy buildings: Belgrade among participating cities

The Nearly Zero-Energy Buildings in Serbia project, launched at the end of 2023, has a total budget of EUR 77.68 million – EUR 50 million in concessional loans from KfW and EUR 27.68 million in grants provided by the EU, the German government, REEP and IPA funds. The project consists of three components: the energy rehabilitation of approximately 35 public buildings, the installation of solar panels on around 125 buildings, and the pilot construction of one or two buildings in line with the nZEB standard.

Implementation is scheduled to continue until February 2026, with expected energy savings of at least 40% and an overall annual reduction in CO₂ emissions of around 11,750 tonnes (6,900 tonnes through building rehabilitation and 4,850 tonnes through solar panel installation). So far, teams and working groups have been established to identify the buildings to be included, while public calls and the start of construction work are expected in 2025. The locations and building types planned under the nZEB pilot component have not yet been disclosed, indicating that this part of the project is still in the preparatory phase.

  • International support for energy efficiency: 30 public buildings in Belgrade undergoing renovation

In 2024, two major energy renovation projects for public buildings were launched in Belgrade, with a combined value exceeding EUR 50 million.

The first project involves the rehabilitation of 26 state-owned buildings – including the Palace of Serbia and the Institute for the Improvement of Education – with support from the Council of Europe Development Bank (CEB) and UNDP. Completion is planned for 2027. The upgrades include window and door replacement, thermal insulation, LED lighting and other energy efficiency measures, along with the integration of renewable energy sources. These improvements are expected to reduce energy consumption by 36–50%, lower CO₂ emissions by around 45%, and generate average annual savings of EUR 10,000 per facility.

At the same time, the project “EU and EBRD for Energy Efficiency in Belgrade” is underway, targeting four municipal institutions: the Belgrade City Library, the Student Polyclinic, the Student Hospital, and the Institute for Emergency Medical Assistance. The EU has allocated EUR 11 million in grants, while the EBRD has provided an additional EUR 5 million in loans. Similar renovation measures are expected to deliver energy savings of 46–86% and reduce CO₂ emissions by 41–74%. The tender was announced in May 2023, and construction began in May 2024, with completion expected by 2026.

  • Belgrade without a fund, but relying on temporary solutions for residential building renovation

More than 85% of existing residential buildings in Serbia remain energy inefficient. The previously announced city fund for improving energy efficiency – intended to support window and door replacement, façade insulation and heating system upgrades – never came to fruition in its intended form. Instead, the City of Belgrade adopted an alternative model: periodic public calls for awarding subsidies for construction or renovation works, or loans for housing associations.

However, a fund based on the revolving principle would offer a more sustainable solution to the long-term challenge of deteriorating buildings. Initially financed through the city budget and donor contributions and later replenished via user repayments through public utility company Infostan (the City of Belgrade’s consolidated billing and collection of utility services), such a model would enable continuous reinvestment in new projects. This would create a stable, transparent and self-sustaining financing system, with a significantly lower risk of misuse compared to current subsidy schemes and individual loan arrangements.

The Fund for the Improvement of Energy Efficiency in Serbia exists within the legal and strategic framework, but it has yet to be fully institutionalised

At the national level, the Fund for the Improvement of Energy Efficiency in Serbia exists within the legal and strategic framework, but it has yet to be fully institutionalised or to function as an independent operational body.

Currently, funding for energy efficiency is provided through alternative mechanisms – such as public calls from the Ministry of Mining and Energy, local co-financing programmes and international projects. Still, it is expected that the fund will be formally established in the coming years and begin operating at full capacity, aligned with European standards and the goals of sustainable development.

The untapped potential of Belgrade’s rivers: still no wastewater treatment plants

Revitalising the rivers and opening access to the banks of the Sava and the Danube for recreational use would significantly enhance quality of life and boost Belgrade’s tourism appeal. Many European cities have transformed previously neglected riverbanks into vibrant public spaces – a notable example being Madrid’s Madrid Río, a ten-kilometre green oasis created by burying the highway along the Manzanares River and adding walking paths, sports fields, playgrounds and even sandy beaches.

In July 2025, Paris broke a century‑long precedent by officially reopening the Seine to swimming for the first time since 1923, following a EUR 1.4 billion cleanup ahead of the 2024 Olympic Games.

Meanwhile, Zagreb, Budapest and Prague have already built or modernised large facilities for municipal wastewater treatment, yet Belgrade still has over one hundred direct discharges flowing freely into the Sava and the Danube – without any purification. Estimates show that a complete system of sewage collectors and the construction of five wastewater treatment plants would require at least EUR 1 billion to EUR 1.5 billion.

The government signed commercial contracts worth EUR 3.2 billion with Chinese company CRBC

Although the construction of the main wastewater treatment plant in Veliko Selo is included in the national Clean Serbia programme, the method of financing and the exact scope of work have yet to be clearly defined.

Official sources confirm that EU grants were also considered for projects such as the Belgrade wastewater treatment plant (which Serbia uses, but which, according to available reports and assessments by relevant institutions, are insufficient for investments of this scale). Instead, at the end of 2021, the government signed commercial contracts worth EUR 3.2 billion with Chinese company CRBC (financed through a Chinese loan) for the Clean Serbia programme, aimed at building a sewage network and wastewater treatment plants in 65 municipalities at 73 locations across the country, including parts of Belgrade.

Shortage of green spaces: Belgrade falls short of WHO recommendations

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), Belgrade does not have enough green space per capita. This underscores the urgent need for systematic approach to urban planning that focuses on expanding parks and green areas, as well as ensuring more regular and higher-quality maintenance of existing greenery. Rather than relying on an ad hoc approach, the city needs a long-term strategy to increase green space per resident and enhance the overall quality of urban life.

Belgrade is experiencing a declining trend in green space per capita – citywide estimates range between 14 and 20 m² per person, while in central municipalities such as Vračar, that figure drops to just 2 to 3 m². This is significantly below the WHO’s recommended minimum of 9 m² per person, and even further from its ideal benchmark of 50 m² per person.

The forgotten plans of Mali Kalemegdan

As early as the late 19th century, urban planners envisioned transforming the Belgrade Fortress into a structured city park filled with attractions. The first public competition for the design of the Kalemegdan park was held in 1898, and the winning proposal by architect Dimitrije T. Leko included the addition of artificial water features in Mali Kalemegdan (the lower section of the park). Leko’s design featured a small lake – referred to as “the pond” – and a stream with a waterfall located near children’s playgrounds.

This made the park a major attraction in the early decades of the 20th century. At the time, the city even installed a dedicated water supply system, drawing water from the Sava River for irrigation and to fill the ponds. These water features, however, disappeared in 1936 with the construction of the Belgrade Zoo.

Mali Kalemegdan (photo:_AI-generated illustration – OpenAI, 2025)

Reportedly, on the occasion of the 120th anniversary of the first Kalemegdan park plan, some admirers of Belgrade’s historical heritage proposed restoring the stream, waterfall and pond as a tourist attraction. However, the outcome of this initiative remains uncertain.

Most residents of Belgrade seem to agree that Kalemegdan should be cleared of all unnecessary and improvised structures that undermine its cultural and historical character – such as souvenir stalls, temporary kiosks and ad hoc café terraces – that have proliferated over time across the fortress plateaus. Removing these makeshift structures would allow for a more authentic and unobstructed experience of this nationally significant cultural landmark.

Housing and social policy

Unlike Vienna – where as many as 62% of residents live in subsidised apartments with below-market rents – Belgrade has virtually no meaningful stock of municipal housing. Rental and housing prices in the city have reached levels that are disproportionate to local incomes. Experts note that the construction of socially affordable housing would significantly alleviate the housing crisis, particularly among young people and students. While Vienna invests approximately EUR 600 million annually in the construction of new apartments, thereby helping to stabilise the housing market over the long term, Belgrade allocates only symbolic amounts to such initiatives.

In this context, the public-private partnership (PPP) model could offer an effective solution for building student dormitories and addressing the chronic shortage of student accommodation. One successful example comes from Nikšić, Montenegro, where a student residence was built through a PPP contract. Similar projects are now being explored throughout the Western Balkans.

Budget and financial challenges

The City of Belgrade’s budget for 2025 is approximately EUR 1.6 billion. With an estimated 1.68 million residents within the city’s administrative territory, this translates to around EUR 950 per capita annually. By comparison, Vienna planned a budget of approximately EUR 19.8 billion for the same period; with around 2.03 million residents, this equates to roughly EUR 9,800 per person. Paris adopted a budget of EUR 11.3 billion for 2025, which corresponds to approximately EUR 5,500 per capita, based on a population of about 2.05 million.

In Serbia, local self-governments receive a portion of the personal income tax (PIT) – primarily the salary tax – based on citizens’ registered place of residence. According to the Law on Financing Local Self-Government, since 2016, 77% of salary tax revenues are allocated to cities, while Belgrade receives a reduced share of 66%. These percentages were higher in the past. This means that Belgrade currently retains 66% of the salary tax revenue generated within its territory. Other components of PIT (such as those from self-employment or agriculture) are allocated entirely to local budgets.

It appears that reforms to public finance and fiscal policy should be considered

In contrast, Serbia’s value added tax (VAT) revenue is retained in full by the central government. Local governments do not receive a direct share of VAT; instead, funds are allocated through general, non-earmarked transfers. As a result, Belgrade cannot rely on a stable inflow of VAT revenue – unlike cities in countries such as Austria, where a portion of VAT is allocated directly to local governments and constitutes a significant part of their budgets.

Given these structural limitations and compared with the budgetary capacities of other major European cities, it appears that reforms to public finance and fiscal policy should be considered. Without such changes, Belgrade will continue to face significant constraints in funding strategically important projects – including those essential to the city’s transition towards a greener and more sustainable future.

Is Belgrade ready to catch up with Europe in sustainable development?

Belgrade’s development in the spirit of modern European cities is achievable only through long-term planning, a clear vision and well-defined priorities – not through short-term decisions or frequent shifts in direction. A more functional urban future requires a larger city budget, more efficient use of public funds, and the coordinated implementation of urban planning initiatives.

At the same time, Belgrade should invest in the revitalization of historic urban cores, the expansion of pedestrian zones, the development of cycling infrastructure, the construction of wastewater treatment plants, and the gradual adoption of the “Viennese model” of social housing. Achieving this vision will demand strong political will, strategic governance, and the active engagement of both experts and citizens.

The experiences of cities such as Vienna and Paris demonstrate that, while such development may require significant public investment, it yields numerous long-term benefits.

Ultimately, Belgrade’s trajectory will depend on both the decisions of city leaders and the engagement of its citizens. From the authorities, responsibility is expected; from the public, initiative and participation. Time is not an ally – every decision made today shapes the Belgrade we will live in tomorrow.

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Kosovo* gets EUR 12.6 million for waste management

Kosovo Landfill Management Company (KMDK) has signed a EUR 12.6 million grant agreement with Kosovo’s* Ministry of Finance, Labor and Transfers and Germany’s KfW Development Bank for waste management in Prishtina, Prizren and Gjilan.

The European Union provided the funding while the KfW would be in charge of the project implementation.

Kosovo Landfill Management Company (KMDK) CEO Dardan Velija said the project is essential for the company and Kosovo*. The activities would drastically change the condition of landfills operating without adequate permits, he added.

The sites would be transformed into sanitary ones with modern infrastructure in line with European standards and environmental regulations.

According to Minister Hekuran Murati, the project aims to improve the quality of life of citizens by securing a cleaner environment. It would provide adequate infrastructure for waste management, he noted.

Müller: It is urgent to take action in this sector

KfW’s director for Southeast Europe and Turkey Klaus Müller expressed the bank’s willingness to support the Government of Kosovo. It is urgent to take action in this sector, to overcome the problems with waste and to finish the project on time, he stressed.

The signing was attended by KfW’s director for Kosovo* and North Macedonia Moritz Remé, leader of the German Development Cooperation at the Embassy of Germany in Kosovo* Daniel Alker, and Deputy Head of Cooperation at the EU Office in Kosovo Alessandro Bianciardi.

Of note, in August last year, the EU suspended grants and investments in wastewater treatment systems in Kosovo* as part of sanctions against Prime Minister Albin Kurti and his government.

At the time, Mayor of Hani i Elezit Mehmet Ballazhi said the EU suspended a wastewater treatment project that was supposed to tackle pollution including asbestos. The town and municipality on the border with North Macedonia is also known as Elez Han and Đeneral Janković.

* This designation is without prejudice to positions onstatus and is in line with UNSCR 1244/99 and the ICJ Opinion on the Kosovo declaration of independence.
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EU mission in Serbia handed 100,000 signatures against declaring Rio Tinto’s Jadar a strategic project

Informal environmentalist organization Eko Straža has submitted a letter to the Delegation of the European Union to Serbia urging the EU not to grant strategic status to Rio Tinto’s Jadar project in the country. The letter opposing the lithium mining and processing project is backed by the signatures of 100,000 citizens.

Bojan Simišić of Eko Straža said the signatures had been submitted because of the European Commission’s upcoming decision on strategic projects to produce critical raw materials in third countries. The decision is expected to be adopted this week, Fonet reported.

The letter, supported by 100,000 signatures, is the first concrete step by environmental associations and citizens after the announcement that the EU could grant Jadar the status of a strategic project. The site of Rio Tinto’s underground mine and processing unit is near the Western Serbian city of Loznica.

The EU has adopted the first list of strategic projects

On Tuesday, the European Commission approved the first 47 strategic projects, within EU territory, for the production of critically important raw materials. According to the announcement, the decision on the potential selection of proposals for facilities in third countries will be adopted at a later stage.

Under the EU’s Critical Raw Materials Act (CRMA), such strategic projects are eligible for administrative and financial support.

Shortly after the decision was announced, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić said that within seven or eight days, the EU would also declare the Jadar lithium project as strategic. He made the claim the same evening in Brussels, where he met with the bloc’s top officials.

Eko Straža: If the EU designates Jadar as strategic, protests will follow

Eko straža stressed that the EU does not have jurisdiction to designate Jadar as a strategic project. The organization also pointed out that Jadar was canceled by the Serbian government’s decision in 2022.

“If the EU puts the Jadar project on its list of strategic projects, we will press ahead with protests. However, we will no longer address the Serbian government, which has resigned, but will instead turn to international institutions,” said Eko Straža.

Balkan Green Energy News has compiled a chronological overview of the most important events concerning Jadar since 2001, when Rio Tinto established a subsidiary in Serbia.

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Serbian organizations, academic community urge EU against declaring lithium project Jadar strategic

The National Convention on the European Union in Serbia has sent a letter to European officials, expressing concern over the potential consequences of designating Rio Tinto’s Jadar lithium project as an EU strategic project. The body warns that such a decision could further erode the support for the country’s European integration. Members of the academic community and numerous citizens also urged the administration in Brussels to reject the company’s application.

The National Convention on the European Union is a platform for cooperation and consultations between civil society and the Government of Serbia in the EU accession negotiation process. It sent the letter to European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas, Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos, European Commission Vice-President for Prosperity and Industrial Strategy Stéphane Séjourné, and Commissioner for Trade and Economic Security Maroš Šefčovič. The convention expresses concern over the possible consequences of including the Jadar lithium project in the EU’s list of strategic projects under the Critical Raw Materials Act (CRMA).

“Given the immense public distrust surrounding the preparation process of the Jadar project, its designation as a project of strategic importance to the European Union, especially in the current geopolitical climate and during Serbia’s institutional and societal crisis, would further undermine citizens’ confidence in the benefits of European integration. Additionally, the long-term geopolitical orientation of Serbia could be affected, potentially jeopardizing the political stability of the Western Balkans,” the letter states.

The convention added that Serbian citizens’ trust in the European Union has been eroded, pointing to the results of a recent public opinion survey. For the first time, more citizens have expressed opposition to EU membership than support for European integration, the body stressed.

EU strategic projects and reactions

The European Commission has approved the first 47 strategic projects in EU territory for important raw materials. The decision for candidate projects in third countries, including Serbia, has been postponed. Under the EU’s Critical Raw Materials Act, such strategic projects are eligible for administrative and financial support.

Shortly after the European Commission’s decision, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić stated in Brussels that the EU would declare the Jadar project strategic “in seven or eight days.”

Together with nongovernmental organizations and community associations from Romania, Germany, Spain, and Portugal, the Marš sa Drine group from Serbia reacted to the European Commission’s decision, and later also to Vučić’s statement. They said they would legally challenge the strategic status designation for disputed mining projects.

The convention recalled that over 60% of Serbian citizens currently oppose the Jadar project, which includes technology that has never been deployed anywhere in the world.

Citizens’ opposition to the Jadar project should be understood primarily as a reflection of distrust in Serbian institutions

“This opposition primarily reflects a deep mistrust in Serbian institutions and their ability to impartially assess the public interest in such a complex project, as well as to enforce environmental and other regulatory standards should the project proceed,” the document reads.

Transparency in decision making has been lacking, and the reactions of Rio Tinto have been inadequate, it added.

“The local community was not adequately informed about earlier phases of research or the project’s potential consequences. Furthermore, the documents forming the basis of the draft environmental impact assessment study have yet to be made public, further fueling doubts about the objectivity and thoroughness of the decision-making process,” the convention said.

It warned that including projects in Serbia in the list of EU strategic projects, before the rule of law is established and before compliance with European environmental standards is ensured, could be perceived as support for maintaining the current state of affairs.

Letters to the European Commission

Environmentalist organization Eko straža previously submitted a letter to the representatives of the European Union in Belgrade, supported by 100,000 citizens with their signatures. They urged the European Commission to leave Jadar off the list of strategic projects.

In addition to the general public, the academic community has also voiced its opposition and concern. Around 2,800 of its members of Serbia’s academic community signed an initiative to reject the Jadar project.

The academic community and a group of student protesters submitted letters to the EU Delegation in Serbia, addressed to the European Commission, opposing the designation of the Jadar project as strategic.

“The right to clean water, land, nature, and health must take precedence over corporate profit,” the Serbian student blockade organization wrote on its Instagram account.

The Kreni-promeni movement also submitted a petition, signed by more than 300,000 citizens, demanding from the EU to reject the Jadar proposal.

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EU gives European carmakers more time to comply with CO2 standards

The European Commission has decided to give more time to the automotive industry to meet CO2 standards for new cars and vans. Transport & Environment says the delay must be the final concession.

The European Commission has proposed an amendment to the regulation that sets CO2 emission performance standards for new cars and vans. It would add a flexibility measure within the targets for 2025-2027, the commission said.

According to the EU’s executive arm, manufacturers’ compliance with the CO2 targets for the three calendar years would be assessed over the entire period, averaging the performances, instead of annually.

The solution allows the companies to balance any excessive annual emissions by outperforming the target in the remaining years, the commission added.

European Commission says it would help the industry to invest in the clean transition while maintaining the 2025 target

It sees the additional flexibility as help to the industry to invest in the clean transition while maintaining the 2025 target and keeping the industry on track for the next round of emissions reductions.

The proposal was announced as part of the European Commission’s Industrial Action Plan for the European automotive sector, adopted on March 5.

According to President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen, the EU’s highly innovative automotive industry is decarbonizing to contribute to the fight against climate change but also to maintain its competitive edge in the world markets.

“We grant more flexibility to this key sector, and at the same time we stay the course of our climate goals,” she stated.

T&E: European carmakers used unrepresentative 2024 sales data to argue for flexibilities

Transport & Environment pointed out that the commission has formally proposed legislation to give carmakers until 2027 to comply with their 2025 emissions reduction targets. The delay to EU car climate rules must be the final concession to European carmakers which used unrepresentative 2024 sales data to argue for flexibilities, the organization added.

It expressed the belief that the concession was a mistake, arguing that battery electric car sales in Europe increased by 28% over the first two months of the year as the industry prepared to comply with the existing 2025 target.

According to Julia Poliscanova, senior director for vehicles and e-mobility supply chains at T&E, the EV sales rebound shows that the existing EU target is working.

“Require carmakers to sell more electric cars and the buyers will come. This must be the last flexibility carmakers are given. Let’s allow the 2030 and 2035 targets to do their work and bring affordable EVs and cleantech investment into Europe,” she stressed.

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Turkey’s Role in Energy Security through Eastern Partnership

Turkey Oil and Gas Pipeline-01_0

Turkey is located between the rich hydrocarbon reserves in the Caspian region and the European markets and thus sits at the intersection of the most feasible energy transit lines. Yet, geopolitics is not the only reason why Turkey is relevant to the EU’s energy interests in the Caspian. Turkey also has significant political capital and economic ties in the Caspian region that the EU can capitalize on to achieve its long-term energy policy objectives.

Despite the fact that the EU and Turkey have a shared interest in energy security, there are at least two major obstacles that have so far prevented the EU and Turkey from effectively coordinating on energy policy. First, the dissimilar and at times incompatible energy interests of the EU members undermine the EU’s capacity to implement a common external energy policy. Unable to speak in one voice, the EU sends mixed signals to its regional partners, including Turkey. Similarly, Turkey tends to prioritize its own short-term national energy interests over the long-term benefits from cooperation with the EU. The prevalence of national interests over communal ones thus generates a credible commitment problem between the EU and Turkey, where parties are unable to make binding promises for cooperation. For the EU and Turkey to establish a working partnership on energy issues, they should arrive at a common understanding whereby each actor not only values long-term cooperation over short-term interests but also trusts that the other side will do the same. Second, the commitment issue is aggravated by the apparently mismatched perspectives that the EU and Turkey adopt on the political implications of energy cooperation. Turkish decision makers hold that Turkey’s position as an energy corridor merits tangible political benefits, most notably concrete progress in Turkey’s accession talks. Even though most EU officials acknowledge that Turkey could be a strategic asset for European energy security, few go so far as to establish a direct issue-linkage between energy and membership. The discordance of the EU’s and Turkey’s expectations regarding the political payoffs of energy cooperation undermines the mutual trust that is required for long-term partnership.

The EaP was introduced as a joint Polish-Swedish initiative in May 2008. The initiative was conceived as a venue for dialogue and cooperation between the EU and the former Soviet states of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. The Joint Declaration of the Prague Eastern Partnership Summit, signed on 7 May 2009, stated that the “main goal of the Eastern Partnership is to create the necessary conditions to accelerate political association and further economic integration between the European and interested partner countries” (European Union, 2009). Through the implementation of Association Agreements, the EaP aims to facilitate the social, economic, and political transformation in the six partner states.

The EaP is a multi-dimensional directive, yet energy security has been at the core of the partnership since its inception. The Prague Declaration says, “The eastern partnership aims to strengthen energy security through cooperation with regard to long term stable and secure energy supply and transit, including through better regulation, energy efficiency and more use of renewable energy sources” (European Union, 2009). Energy security is one of the four thematic platforms of the EaP, along with democracy and good governance, economic integration and contacts with people. Two of the six flagship initiatives of the EaP are also energy-related. One of these initiatives concerns the integration of regional energy markets and raising the profile of renewable energy in partner states, whereas the other initiative directly involves the diversification of energy import routes. On 8 May 2009, the very next day following the EaP Summit, the Southern Corridor Summit was held in Prague, where European Commission officials as well as the presidents of Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, expressed their “political support to the realization of the Southern Corridor as an important and mutually beneficial initiative” (EU at the UN, 2009). Jose Manuel Barroso, President of the European Commission, speaking at the summit, underlined that diversification was indeed a priority: “The context of this summit is very clear. Our strategic priority in the EU is to enhance energy security in particular by diversifying the EU’s energy sources and energy routes”.

At the core of the EU’s diversification strategy is the development and integration of multiple pipeline systems under the general framework of the Southern Gas Corridor, which would carry gas to Europe primarily from the Caspian region (possibly from Turkmenistan, Iran, and the Middle East as well), bypassing transit networks owned or controlled by Russia. This grand energy strategy can be traced back to the establishment of INOGATE (Interstate Oil and Gas transport to Europe) in 1995. INOGATE was later expanded through the signing of umbrella agreements in 2001 when 21 countries agreed to cooperate on pipeline development. Through conferences in Baku in 2004 and in Astana in 2006, INOGATE evolved into the primary institutional framework of regional cooperation on energy security and integration of markets. The next major step in building the institutional framework of a European energy policy was the signing of Energy Community Treaty, which entered into force in July 2006, establishing an Energy Community among the EU members as well as Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, Macedonia, Serbia, Moldova, and Ukraine. Yet another landmark was the Treaty of Lisbon in 2007, which included an article on energy policy, calling for solidarity among Member States. In February 2010, the European Commission established a new DirectorateGeneral for Energy, further indicating the significance attached to the issue. The EaP’s energy agenda should thus be considered the latest step in the evolution of EU’s long-standing efforts to resolve the energy security problem.

How severe is the energy security problem of the EU? Europe is an energy-poor region. It possesses only 0.4 per cent of the world’s proved oil reserves but consumes 15.9 per cent. Similarly, 0.9 per cent of world’s natural gas reserves are in Europe while European consumption constitutes 13.9 per cent of the global consumption (BP, 2012). Not only are the hydrocarbon reserves limited but also production is falling. Total energy production in the EU declined by 13 per cent over the last 20 years. Natural gas production in Europe is in decline. Since 2001, EU-28’s natural gas production decreased by 38 per cent while consumption was reduced by only about 7 per cent. This unfavorable supply and demand structure inevitably led to greater import dependency. Europe’s total energy import dependency rose from 47.1 per cent in 2001 to 53.4 per cent in 2012. Europe imports 90 per cent of its oil and 42 per cent of its solid fuels, yet gas dependency is the most alarming. Gas import dependency jumped from 48.8 per cent in 2001 to 65.8 per cent in 2012 (Eurostat, 2014).

EU is following a multifaceted energy security strategy (European Commission, 2014a,b). The union is committed to reducing primary energy consumption by 20 per cent by 2020 (European Commission, 2011). The energy saving measures are helpful but ultimately insufficient to compensate for the decline in production. In 2012, natural gas consumption in Europe declined 9.9 per cent while production fell by 11.4 per cent. It is possible that part of the decline in energy consumption over the past few years is due to the contraction of the European economy since 2008. With economic restoration over the next decade, energy demand will likely increase, unless policy changes produce significant changes in the structure of energy consumption.

Indeed, projections for EU’s natural gas demand for the two decades indicate significant variations based on policy environment and expectations regarding macro-economic performance. According to Eurogas’ Base Case, which assumes no significant departure from current policy and market conditions, EU-27’s natural gas demand will increase from 438 mtoe (million tonnes of oil equivalent) in 2010 to 471 mtoe in 2035 (Eurogas, 2013, p. 3) In the Environmental Case, which assumes a growing share of renewables and a restoration of economic growth in Europe, demand for natural gas will rise to 527 mtoe by 2035, a 20 per cent increase over the 2010 baseline. Only under the Slow Developments Case, which assumes that gas would become less competitive in Europe, will demand decline to 394 mtoe by 2035 (Eurogas, 2013, p. 3). Thus, barring a significant change in policy and market conditions, natural gas will likely remain a key source of energy for Europe over the next two decades.

Similarly, a report published by Fitch Ratings in August 2014 confirmed that Europe will continue to depend on Russian gas supplies “for at least the next decade and potentially much longer” (Fitch Ratings, 2014). According to Fitch Rating’s projections, European gas demand will grow slightly until the mid-2020s and after that, demand growth will once again accelerate as gas-fired electricity generation replaces coal and nuclear capacity. European shale gas, the report indicates, will not be a viable option for another decade when production reaches a critical volume. Even then, shale gas production would most likely be just enough to compensate for the decline in domestic conventional gas production in Europe. The best the EU can hope for, the report concludes, is to avoid significantly increasing gas purchases from Russia. (Fitch Ratings, 2014).

Thus, energy import dependency will likely continue to be a major issue for Europe. Dependency, particularly on a single supplier, is considered a source of economic and political vulnerability in international relations (Waltz, 1970). Dependent countries are highly vulnerable to supply disruptions whether they are of technical or political nature. The 2006 and 2009 gas shortages in Ukraine and 2007 crisis involving Belarus served as bitter reminders that import dependency threatens the material well-being and security of ordinary citizens. Import dependency has negative consequences on the foreign policy capabilities of the dependent country as well. The potential cost of aggravating an energy supplier casts the dependent actor into an involuntarily cooperative role. Foreign policy implications of energy dependency are particularly relevant when the energy exporters are keen on using their market power as a weapon over importers and transit countries (Gereben, 2013; Stegen, 2011). Ukraine Crisis in 2014 evidenced the extent to which energy dependence constrains EU foreign policy.

Given the political and economic costs of energy dependency, the EU has no choice but to seek to diversify its energy suppliers and import routes. The EU has a few alternative natural gas suppliers, including Iraq, Iran and most recently Eastern Mediterranean but none of these alternatives appears to be as readily accessible as the Caspian reserves in the near future. Iraqi natural gas reserves rank 12th in the world (EIA, 2013) but given various infrastructure issues and the continuing political turmoil in the country, Iraq’s natural gas export capacity is currently limited. Importing natural gas from Iran has long been on the agenda of the EU and the most recent problems with the availability of Russian gas have once again brought the issue to the forefront (The Telegraph, 2014). Most European countries are looking forward to the normalization of relations with Tehran, as evidenced most recently by UK’s plans to reopen its embassy in Tehran (Foreign & Commonwealth Office, 2014). With a treasury badly damaged by the international sanctions, Iran too would be most interested in selling its gas to Europe, arguably more so than selling to Pakistan (Forbes, 2014). While Iranian natural gas reserves, estimated to be the second largest in the world, constitute a viable alternative for Europe, accessing these reserves poses a challenge in the short term. Even if the ongoing negotiations between P5+1 and Iran ultimately succeed in lifting the sanctions on Iranian energy trade, Iran’s South Pars gas reserves require significant development and investment over the next decade. Once developed and rendered available for international trade, Iranian natural gas will likely be transported to Europe via the proposed Persian Pipeline (Iran-Europe pipeline) or possibly a re-animated Nabucco pipeline, both of which are projected to pass through Turkey. Recently discovered gas in the Eastern Mediterranean would also be a welcome addition to Europe’s energy portfolio yet given the disputes over maritime borders in the region (Eissler & Arasıl, 2014), the enduring Cyprus problem and the diminishing of hostilities between Turkey and Israel since the escalation of Turkey-Russia border spat on downing of latter’s Su-24 in Syria (in 2015), it is getting quite clear that Eastern Mediterranean gas may be available for European consumptionin a significant quantities in the future. Though, fingers are crossed.

Given the various political and economic limitations of bringing online the natural gas from Iraq, Iran and the East Mediterranean in the near term, the Caspian region—estimated to hold six per cent of the world’s proven reserves and well-endowed with foreign investment—currently appears to be the most politically and economically feasible option for European diversification strategy.

The Southern Gas Corridor linking Caspian reserves to European markets consists of several existing and projected pipelines. The Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum (BTE) gas pipeline carries gas from Shah Deniz gas field in the Azerbaijani sector of the Caspian Sea to Turkey since late 2006. The current capacity of the pipeline is 8 bcma (billion cubic meters per annum) but with the completion of the phase II of the Shah Deniz project it can be scaled up to 25 bcma. BTE currently supplies Georgia and Turkey but it can be linked to other projects like the Trans-Anatolian Pipeline (TANAP) which will initially carry about 16 bcma of gas from Georgian-Turkish border to Turkish-European border. Depending on the gas flow, the capacity of the pipeline can later be increased up to 60 bcma.

There are several options to further transport the Caspian gas from Turkish territory to European markets. The primary existing route is the Turkey-Greece Inter-connector, which carries up to 12 bcma of natural gas. A key aspect of this project is the extension across Greece to Italy, which will carry Caspian gas deeper into Europe. A few additional routes to transport Caspian gas from Turkey to Europe have been considered. Nabucco West, the revised version of the defunct Nabucco project, was planned to start from the Turkish-Bulgarian border and transport gas from Shah Deniz Gas field phase II via Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary to Austria. Yet Shah Deniz Consortium partners rejected Nabucco West in 2013 and opted for the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) instead. The main supply source of TAP will be the gas extracted from phase II of the Shah Deniz field, which will be carried through Turkish territory via BTE and TANAP. TAP is planned to start at Greece, cross Albania and the Adriatic to reach Italy.

Turkey thus sits at the intersection of the pipelines that constitute the Southern Gas Corridor. Turkey’s relevance to the EU’s energy policy with respect to Eastern Partnership, however, is not limited to Turkey’s fortunate geopolitical position. Secure and reliable access to Caspian hydrocarbon reserves requires not only a network of pipelines but also regional political stability and cooperation between supplier and transit states. Turkey, with its long-standing economic ties in the Caspian region can potentially act as an intermediary between the EU and the partner countries. Turkey has also been willing to contribute to the resolution of the several “frozen conflicts” throughout the region by acting as an interlocutor between the EU and other relevant parties.

Ankara has a standing policy of promoting interdependence among the three South Caucasus states in order to expand their trade and energy ties with Turkey. Georgia is not only a transit corridor of Azerbaijan’s gas, but also a major trade route for Turkish exports to Central Asia. Turkey also has considerable investments in Azerbaijan, Georgian and Abkhazian economies. Pending on the normalization of relations with Armenia and the opening of the Turkish-Armenian border, economic relations with Armenia also hold great promise for Turkey. Turkey can also help the EU in its capacity building efforts in the Caspian region. Turkish state-owned energy companies TPAO and BOTAS are partners in many pipeline projects in the region. Turkey has also recently shown a great deal of interest in investing in upstream development projects in the region. TPAO for instance signed in May 2014 a 1.5 billion USD deal to acquire French Total’s 10 per cent stake in Azerbaijan’s Shah Deniz project. In addition to Shah Deniz, TPAO owns shares in the two major fields in Azerbaijan, ACG (6.75 %) and Alov (9 %). Turkey has a strong presence on the ground and Turkish private sector accumulated expertise that is critical for secure and long-term cooperation.

Lastly, Turkey due to its historic ties to the region has considerable political capital in the Caspian, particularly in Azerbaijan, with which Turkey has sustained a very close relationship since its independence. Turkey also cooperated with the US in its efforts to help Georgia build a new state after independence. Given the difficulties that the EU has experienced in politically reaching out to its Caspian partners over the last decade, the EU can benefit from Turkey’s role as a regional interlocutor between Europe and the Caspian partners.

 

It is evident that the EU and Turkey can both benefit from extending their cooperation on regional energy issues. Despite the commonality of interests, however, EU-Turkey energy cooperation has so far failed to meet mutual expectations. The next section examines how the prevalence of national interests over communal ones and the opposing views on the Turkish and European sides regarding the political implications of energy partnership undermine the ability of these two actors to commit to a more extended form of energy cooperation.

About The Author:

Tolga Demiryol is assistant professor of Political Science in the School of Economics and Administrative Sciences at Istanbul Kemerburgaz University in Turkey. Tolga Demiryol received his Ph.D. in Political Science from the University of Virginia in 2010. Dr. Demiryol specializes in international political economy and security. His recent research focuses on the geopolitics of energy. 

Publication Details:

Baltic Journal of European Studies. Volume 4, Issue 2, Pages 50–68, ISSN (Online) 2228-0596, DOI: 10.2478/bjes-2014-0015, November 2014

This work is an abstract form of author’s original work, titled The Eastern Partnership and the EU-Turkey Energy Relations”which is licensed under Creative Commons 3.0